It's starting to make sense now. Putin has disowned Prigozhin so he can run amok in the Ukraine. Prigozhin will be the one to detonate the tactical nuke or blow up the power plant and Putin will say,"he is not acting on behalf of Russia!" He's just gone to Belarus to make it look like the separation is real. Within 60 or 90 days I expect something large to happen.
NATO made it clear that any fallout from a nuclear attack in Ukraine reaching a member state would trigger article 5. If Putin thinks he can pin such an attack on a rogue actor like Prig instead of Russia then maybe he can get away with it.
Republicans want Democrats to agree to crackdown on immigration in return for supporting funds
Nothing but an excuse. The White House has already offered considerable concessions, and the GOP just increased their demands in response. It's not made in good faith.
The Kremlin has threatened Europe and the US with “serious consequences”, including tit-for-tat financial seizures or even a break in diplomatic relations, if Russian assets held abroad are given to aid the Ukrainian budget and war effort.
If I were Zelenskyy, probably any escalation by Russia against the US and Europe short of maybe nuclear war would probably be near the top of the list of things I'd enjoy seeing. It would simplify a great many things about the conflict for Ukraine.
googles
Churchill used a similar phrase ("this certainly simplifies things") about Pearl Harbor in his history of World War II; up until that point, the US had been theoretically neutral, though supplying the UK. At Pearl Harbor, Japan attacked the US and declared war, followed not long thereafter by Italy and Germany. For Churchill, who was -- and I think as history has shown, rightly so -- far more interested in the grand strategy implications, not the operational impact, the attack was very much a cause for celebration.
In two or three minutes Mr. Roosevelt came through. “Mr. President, what’s this about Japan?” “It’s quite true,” he replied. “They have attacked us at Pearl Harbour. We are all in the same boat now.” I put Winant onto the line and some interchanges took place, the Ambassador at first saying, “Good,” “Good” – and then, apparently graver, “Ah!” I got on again and said, “This certainly simplifies things. God be with you,” or words to that effect. We then went back into the hall and tried to adjust our thoughts to the supreme world event which had occurred, which was of so startling a nature as to make even those who were near the centre gasp. My two American friends took the shock with admirable fortitude. We had no idea that any serious losses had been inflicted on the United States Navy. They did not wail or lament that their country was at war. They wasted no words in reproach or sorrow. In fact, one might almost have thought they had been delivered from a long pain.
No American will think it wrong of me if I proclaim that to have the United States at our side was to me the greatest joy. I could not foretell the course of events. I do not pretend to have measured accurately the martial might of Japan, but now at this very moment I knew the United States was in the war, up to the neck and in to the death. So we had won after all! Yes, after Dunkirk; after the fall of France; after the horrible episode of Oran; after the threat of invasion, when, apart from the Air and the Navy, we were an almost unarmed people; after the deadly struggle of the U-boat war – the first Battle of the Atlantic, gained by a hand’s-breadth; after seventeen months of lonely fighting and nineteen months of my responsibility in dire stress, we had won the war. England would live; Britain would live; the Commonwealth of Nations and the Empire would live. How long the war would last or in what fashion it would end, no man could tell, nor did I at this moment care. Once again in our long Island history we should emerge, however mauled or mutilated, safe and victorious. We should not be wiped out. Our history would not come to an end. We might not even have to die as individuals. Hitler’s fate was sealed. Mussolini’s fate was sealed. As for the Japanese, they would be ground to powder. All the rest was merely the proper application of overwhelming force. The British Empire, the Soviet Union, and now the United States, bound together with every scrap of their life and strength, were, according to my lights, twice or even thrice the force of their antagonists. No doubt it would take a long time. I expected terrible forfeits in the East; but all this would be merely a passing phase. United we could subdue everybody else in the world. Many disasters, immeasurable cost and tribulation lay ahead, but there was no more doubt about the end.
Silly people – and there were many, not only in enemy countries – might discount the force of the United States. Some said they were soft, others that they would never be united. They would fool around at a distance. They would never come to grips. They would never stand blood-letting. Their democracy and system of recurrent elections would paralyze their war effort. They would be just a vague blur on the horizon to friend or foe. Now we should see the weakness of this numerous but remote, wealthy, and talkative people. But I had studied the American Civil War, fought out to the last desperate inch. American blood flowed in my veins. I thought of a remark which Edward Grey had made to me more than thirty years before – that the United States is like “a gigantic boiler. Once the fire is lighted under it there is no limit to the power it can generate.” Being saturated and satiated with emotion and sensation, I went to bed and slept the sleep of the saved and thankful.
theguardian.com
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